Tuesday, October 29, 2019

Foreign Policy Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Foreign Policy - Research Paper Example From there, as regards the incumbent, a voter will decide if that president really did all he could do to achieve his promises to the American people. There, of course, can be extenuating circumstances as to why one or more goals were not achieved and this factor, or factors, should also be taken into consideration for the overall summary. Barack Obama and his administration have delivered most of the promises made four years ago, and for not kept, there are certainly circumstances that affect the American people, and Obama as well, that no one can do anything about. In choosing to support Obama’s foreign policy, the reason is that he has done the most of any recent presidents to bring peace between America and the rest of world, in so much as he has been able to do so. OUTLINE OF BARACK OBAMA’S FOREIGN POLICY SUCCESSES The Obama/Biden website shows how he has ended the war in Iraq, returning control and security to the people of Iraq so that they can conduct their affa irs on their own. While there are certainly still problems on the ground between Muslim sects, these are issues that must be controlled and solved by the ruling party of Iraq. At this point, it is not up to America to rule this country or to provide more help in the way of troops and arms. Those that the Americans military have trained, are now fully sufficient to take care of matters on their own. Obama has kept his promise to bring home the troops in Iraq and this has brought peace to Iraq (Barack Obama web). Living in the Middle East, the consequences of his influence is plain to see in how he has helped to promote peace through several countries when he has supported the overthrow of dictators’ regimes, leaders who have terrorized their people for decades. He has gone out of his way to promote cordial relationships with new leaders and encourage and supported the new regimes put in place by each country’s people. From there, he does not interfere further with a cou ntry’s politics but instead, supports from afar, what new regimes are trying to do for their people (Barack Obama web). Governor Mitt Romney, however, while promoting peace also, would be more inclined to put troops on the ground should the occasion arise. This creates the potential for another possible war, which no one wants. Romney also stands very firmly on the position of the red line which is held on Iran, a potential spot for nuclear development, and Romney has indicated he would go to war should Iran bomb Israel. While Obama will be cutting defense expenditures, Romney intends to eliminate that action and instead, double the money to the military to make sure they have everything they need. It is not clear how he would get the money however (Arquilla web). Other points to be made here is that Obama has set the deadline for American troops in Afghanistan to come home in 2013 and currently has also had American troops teach local Afghan troops how to use and bear arms s o that they, too, will also be the peacekeepers in Afghanistan, much as those in Iraq currently are. Al-Qaeda has been significantly weakened in the Middle East since the beginning of the Iraqi war, allowing for the peoples here in many countries to experience freedom in living their daily lives. (Barack Obama web). Obama has also met with many of the leaders in the Middle East to help promote the end of nuclear weapons, particularly where Iran and North Korea are

Sunday, October 27, 2019

How Women Are Affected By Poverty Sociology Essay

How Women Are Affected By Poverty Sociology Essay In recent years, focus has been on discovering if poverty is gendered, that is to say to what extent women may be more at threat of poverty than men. In this essay I shall be discussing how women are affected by poverty and what factors lead to women being poorer than men. Peter Townsend et al (1987) have argued that there has been a feminisation of poverty, this term may be understood in various ways, it may refer to the increased risk of poverty or the increased visibility of womens poverty it may also refer to the reconstruction of poverty from a womans viewpoint. It is difficult to compare the poverty of men and women because statistics are usually based on households and this suggests that household incomes are shared evenly between adult members. Glendinning and Millar (1987 maintain that men get a larger share in most cases and this may echo their higher earning ability and the fact that in many households men still make the decisions of how money is spent. It has been shown that women are more likely to be poorer than men, although their poverty has often been masked behind studies that focused on male-headed households Ruspini (2000). Townsend acknowledges four groups which make up the majority of the female poor, these consist of women who take care of children and other dependents they are unpaid and are unable to take up employment. There are also lone women with children who dip in and out of employment. Then there are elderly women like pensioners who live alone. There are also women with low earnings where the incomes of others in the household do not contribute towards the total household income to enable the womens income to go over the poverty line. Women unquestionably tend to experience more poverty than men because their labour both unpaid and paid is undervalued, in addition women have always experienced work in a different way from men. A private and public split has always existed where women were seen as belonging in the private sphere of hearth and home and the ideologically constructed family, whereas men were seen as belonging in the public sphere of the market and the state. In terms of work, three main reasons for why womens poverty continues have been identified, the first is because a third of all women of working age still remain outside the labour market almost twice the proportion for men, they do not have equal access to the core of the labour market and they are disproportionately represented within part-time and lower paid jobs and on average women are paid less than men. The New Labour government has aimed to maximize labour force involvement by supporting (the idea of work-life balance) and trying to make it easier for people to merge paid work and family life. In-work benefits and tax credits were introduced as incentives however the working families tax credit has been more beneficial to women earners than those whose main income comes through male partners since it is more likely to be paid through the pay packet. The development of a National Childcare Strategy was also introduced but it does not measure up to the levels of childcare provi sion to be found in most other European countries. The second reason involves the responsibility women have for most of the tasks associated with social reproduction in the way of unpaid care work and domestic labour. The third reason is the sharing of income and resources within families, in the majority of cases this does not benefit women. Individuals can be poor in households with adequate incomes. This finding has important implications for policy initiatives aimed at the relief of poverty (Pahl 1989; Kempson 1996). Other forms of inequality have persisted within the public sphere, Gillian Pascall (1997) and others have argued that while women now make up a high proportion of the public sector workforce in healthcare, social work and education, they remain under represented in senior and management positions. This is characteristic of the sticky floor where women are concentrated in specific occupations with low pay and status and what they do at work is often similar to what they do at home, although the introduction of the minimum wage in April 1999 has been beneficial to women who are dependent on low paid work but not to other wage groups. Though most health service workers are women, most of the surgeons are men and it is largely men who control health and social services including services that concern women, for instance reproductive healthcare, as well as support for informal carers and the education system. This is typical of the glass ceiling where women are less likely to hold senior positions and when they do hold senior positions they have to work harder and for longer hours in jobs that are classed as mens work. In the 1970s 70 percent of managers were men and today 90 percent of judges are men. Anti discrimination legislation has sought to outlaw all forms of sex discrimination but this has mostly brought about advances for individual women but has not benefited all women although it has improved the practices of most employers as well as raising public awareness. While the education system no longer just prepares girls for domesticity, it is tending to equip them for sub- servient occupations especially in the public sector on the other hand it has also expanded womens options in the labour market. Despite the fact that women have been allowed to vote and participate in the democratic process on the same terms as men since 1928, in 2000 only 20 percent of Westminster Members of Parliament were women and in 2001 only 28 percent of local government councillors were women (EOC 2001). Although there has been a feminisation of the labour market, the increase in womens workforce participation can have disastrous effects on their health because of the double burden they have to shoulder, at home they take care of children and perform domestic tasks which are unpaid as well as doing their paid job. The General Household Survey of 1998 showed that the majority of carers were women who provided more than a hundred hours of care per week which was far more than any paid worker would do. It has been shown that caring is costly in various ways, for one there is loss of earnings and the rate of adults providing care who are in paid employment is low, the effect is even greater for women than men and greatest of all in the case of a mother providing care for a disabled child Arber and Ginn(1995): Baldwin (1985). In addition costs that are associated with disability like house adaptations to accommodate special equipment and higher transport costs. There is also the cost to the carer in terms of the stress and strain (Glendinning and Millar1992; Pahl 2006). Social policy is beginning to acknowledge the contribution of carers, one way was the introduction of the Carers Act 1985 which imposed an obligation on local authorities, however the support that carers receive is still limited. Financial support is also provided by the social security system with benefits like carers allowance and disabled persons tax credit for low paid disabled workers. There are also many ways in which care can be paid for Ungerson (2000); see also Ungerson (2006). The way social security is arranged and its effects on women can be attributed to the architects of the welfare system who were so used to patriarchal assumptions about respective roles of male breadwinners and female homemakers that the National Insurance system for example was founded on the idea that married women would mainly be financially dependent on their husbands and although obvious biased elements have since been removed, the inheritance of the assumptions on which the system was founded remains. Lewis and Piachaud (1992) demonstrated that women have always been poorer than men by showing the proportion of women amongst adults in receipt of poor relief or social assistance was at around 60 percent and was the same at the end of the 20th century. Women are the main recipients of most benefits and rely more on means tested benefits even though it means greater personal scrutiny, rather than contribution based benefits like jobseekers allowance, incapacity benefit and industrial injury benefit because these types of benefit rely on the recipient having been employed, and for women their work patterns are sometimes interrupted when they take time out to raise children and therefore their national insurance contributions are affected. Women are also in some cases hidden claimants because they receive benefits as dependents of male breadwinners, and for this reason, the welfare state may also function directly to make women dependent on men, although housing and social security provision has provided at least some measure of independence to women like those escaping from violent or dysfunctional relationships. Donzelot (1979) has observed that families seem to have extended functions and are subject by the welfare state to greater levels of surveillance and control for example womens performance as mothers and informal carers may be subject to supervision by healthcare and social service professionals. The family has not lost its functions, but it has lost control. It is still the major arena for the care of dependents, but traditional female tasks are now defined and managed outside the family and by men. Pascall (1997: 23). This is seen in the cases of lone parents 90 percent of whom are women who will have social assistance benefits withdrawn if they should cohabit and they can be compelled to cooperate with the making of child support assessments against the father(s) of their child(ren). In terms of work the, mother -as-work policy ignores that child care is also work and lone mothers stand little chance of becoming equal stakeholders because they must be both breadwinners and carers, and the position at present is that lone mothers are likely to be praised for the paid work they do and condemned as welfare dependent for the unpaid work they do and the eradication of the Lone Parent Premium to income support which directly disadvantaged many lone parents most of whom are women. In recent years studies have shown that pensioners are far more likely than the working population to experience ongoing poverty, between 1998 and 2001, 18 percent of pensioners experienced persistent poverty as compared to 7 percent of the working population. Studies have also found that in recent decades older women and those from ethnic minorities are more likely to experience poverty than other pensioners. Findings from these studies led Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon Brown to state in 2002: Our aim is to end pensioner poverty in our country. the introduction of a pension credit in October 2003 which guaranteed a minimum income of half of those people in this age group in the UK attempted to meet this goal but the success of this policy depends on all those entitled to claiming the benefit actually doing so Flaherty et al (2004). The majority of people over state pension age do retire from the labour market, but as longevity has increased the labour markets have tightened and retirement has become in Townsends words a kind of mass redundancy (1991:6). As a group, old peoples vulnerability to poverty is not as great as it was in the post second world war period, but this should not mask the fact that there is now greater inequality between older people than before. Since the number of old people both as a proportion of the total population and in absolute terms has grown this means that pensioner poverty is still a major issue. The employment of older people can be sensitive to changes in the labour market conditions and they may be shut out of jobs when the demand for labour falls. Age concern (see McEwan 1990), argue that older people are frequently subject to discrimination if they choose to re-enter the labour market often on mistaken assumptions about their reliability and adaptability. Additionally when older people do eventually become frail they suffer the same problems associated with disability. The lack of provision of universal pension in this country is out of sync with most industrialised countries, although the introduction of stakeholder pensions for people with no access to private pensions and the introduction of free eye tests has gone some way in helping pensioners at a disadvantage. Feminists tend to view welfare state provision as being important for improving womens lives but it also reinforces female dependency on men and the sexual division of labour. Some strands of feminism stress that women are closer to nature and are naturally more caring and less aggressive and they address the world in a different voice Gilligan (1982). Other strands of feminism discard this view and assert that the gendered nature of society is the exact product of power relations and patriarchy. It is a result of the dominance of men over women and can be rejected. So in conclusion, having assessed and considered all the evidence and studies on gender and poverty, it is clear that although successive governments have through legislation and policies attempted to lessen the poverty of women, the gap between the sexes still exists and women are still very disadvantaged and are poorer than men and a major reason is the structure of the welfare state which contributes to and reinforces the differences.

Friday, October 25, 2019

Essay --

The pharmaceutical companies continue to be accused of many unethical practices so the story of pharmaCARE comes as no surprise. The company started with good intentions but went down because of greed. It was a well-established company already famous for its integrity and high quality products. In the beginning, they were believed to enhance the quality of life around the world. The company continued to succeed due to its research and capitalized on a new breakthrough of a diabetes drug that they believed would help slow down the terrible progression of the Alzheimer’s disease. So after a few years, they created a subsidiary called CompCARE to be the â€Å"compounding pharmacy† to make the new drug named AD23. Because of the â€Å"supposed† success of this drug, it was in such high demand that CompCARE became to engage in methods outside the scope of what a compounding pharmacy is allowed to do, their practices pushed the limits and the end result was over 200 cardiac related deaths due to AD23. PharmaCare had several groups of people with stakes in what they had intended to achieve. These stakeholders in this scenario include PharmaCARE and CompCARE, one of its subsidiaries; both companies had high financial stakes in the success of AD23. There was also Wellco, a large drugstore chain, the employees of these 3 companies, the nation of Colberia and its citizens because their livelihood was tied to the success of AD23. Many of the social problems Colberia experienced like the destruction of its environment and consequently endangering of its native species through the company’s extensive activities and business practices came from PharmaCare. The company took advantage of the country’s low standard of living and its economic predicame... ...ng mean. When people are able to make that distinction, they’ll take the time to question themselves, and then question others’ actions including their reasoning and in this case, data rather than blindly accepting their decisions until the true situation comes to light. The failure with pharmaCARE started long before people started dying. PharmaCARE began to fail as soon the company felt it was ok to pay just a dollar a day to the Colberian people who didn’t know and felt they were being helped but instead were being exploited for their knowledge while their environment was being polluted. When CompCARE began to use unethical methods to get AD23 manufactured eventually leading to the deaths of more 200 people. It takes more than a statement â€Å"We CARE about YOUR world ®Ã¢â‚¬  to right the wrongs that all of this greed caused. Their actions must speak louder than words.

Thursday, October 24, 2019

College Athletes Should Be Paid Essay

Tyus Jones was a basketball player at the University of Minnesota who was extremely talented on and off the court. In just his freshman year he won The University Of Minnesota their first national championship in 94 long years. Despite of Tyus’s on court abilities even with a full ride college scholarship Tyus was not able to afford the basic college life needs. To help out with the expenses Tyus got a job at the nearby Burger King, but after two short weeks he was forced to quit because it was impossible to manage school,basketball, and work. Tyus then realized he would have to get some form of help from the school to help him manage his spending. It should be required for all colleges to pay all their Division I athletes enough money for them to support themselves during the season. Tyus was lucky, he was very talented on the court which gave him some legal extra benefits, but some players are not that lucky. Some players have no options but to accept illegal benefits and can be suspended or even fined. Most athletes are so busy with school and their sport that they are not able to work on the side to earn money. Also college are paid millions and millions of dollars by large network companies like Nbc, Fox, and even Espn when the main reason their college is in the spotlight is because of these talented players who get nothing for making everything happen.

Wednesday, October 23, 2019

For the upcoming film based on the memoir Essay

Twelve Years a Slave (1853; sub-title: Narrative of Solomon Northup, a citizen of New-York, kidnapped in Washington city in 1841, and rescued in 1853, from a cotton plantation near the Red River in Louisiana), by Solomon Northup as told to David Wilson, is a memoir of a black man who was born free in New York state but kidnapped, sold into slavery and kept in bondage for 12 years in Louisiana before the American Civil War. He provided details of slave markets in Washington, DC, as well as describing at length cotton cultivation on major plantations in Louisiana. Published soon after Harriet Beecher Stowe’s novel, Uncle Tom’s Cabin, Northup’s book sold 30,000 copies and was considered a bestseller.[1] It went through several editions in the nineteenth century. Supporting Stowe’s fictional narrative in detail, Northup’s first-hand account of his twelve years of bondage proved another bombshell[peacock term] in the nationalpolitical debate over slavery leading up to the Civil War, drawing endorsements from major Northern newspapers, anti-slavery organizations, and evangelical groups. After several editions in the 19th Century, the book fell into obscurity for nearly 100 years, until it was re-discovered by two Louisiana historians, Dr. Sue Eakin (Louisiana State University at Alexandria) and Dr. Joseph Logsdon (University of New Orleans).[2] In the early 1960’s they researched and retraced Solomon Northup’s journey[3] and co-edited a historically annotated version that was published by LSU Press in 1968. [4] A 2013 film based on the story and directed by Steve McQueen is scheduled for release by Fox Searchlight Pictures on October 18, 2013. Contents [hide] 1 Synopsis 2 Reception and historical value 3 Editions and adaptations 4 References 5 External links Synopsis[edit] In Upstate New York, black freeman Solomon Northup, a skilled carpenter and fiddler, is approached by two circus promoters who offer him a brief, high-paying job with their traveling circus. Without informing his wife, who is away at work in the next town, he travels with the strangers towards Washington DC in good spirits. One morning, he wakes to find himself drugged, bound, and in the cell of a slave pen. When Northup asserts his rights as a freeman, he is beaten and warned never again to mention his free life in New York. Transported by ship to New Orleans, Northup and other enslaved blacks contract smallpox and some die. In transit, Northup implores a sympathetic sailor to send a letter to his family. The letter arrives safely, but, lacking knowledge of his final destination, Northup’s family is unable to effect his rescue. Northup’s first owner is William Ford, a cotton planter on a bayou of the Red River, and he subsequently has several other owners during his twelve-year bondage. At times, his carpentry and other skills mean he is treated relatively well, but he also suffers extreme cruelty. On two occasions, he is attacked by a man who is to become his owner, John Tibeats, and finds himself unable to resist retaliating, for which he suffers great reprisals. Later he is sold to Edwin Epps, a notoriously cruel planter, who gives Northup the role of driver, requiring him to oversee the work of fellow slaves and punish them for undesirable behavior. Never, in almost 12 years, does he reveal his true history to a single slave or owner. Finally he confides his story in Samuel Bass, a white carpenter from Canada. Bass sends a letter to Northup’s wife, who calls on Henry Northup, a white attorney whose family once held and then freed Solomon Northup’s father. Henry Northup contacts New York state officials and the governor appoints him as an agent to travel to Louisiana and free Solomon Northup. He succeeds, and Solomon Northup leaves the plantation. After instigating a court case against the men who sold him into slavery, Northup is reunited with his family in New York. Reception and historical value[edit] Northup’s account describes the daily life of slaves at Bayou Boeuf in Louisiana, their diet and living conditions, the relationship between the master and slave, and the means that slave catchers had used to recapture runaways. Northup’s slave narrative has details similar to those of some other authors, such as Frederick Douglass, Harriet Ann Jacobs, or William Wells Brown, but he was unique in being kidnapped as a free man and sold into slavery. His book was a bestseller, rapidly selling 30,000 copies in the years before the American Civil War.[1] After additional printings in the 19th century, the book went out-of-print until 1968,[4] when historians Joseph Logsdon and Sue Eakin restored it to prominence. Dr. Eakin first discovered the story as a child growing up in Louisiana plantation country. Dr. Logsdon’s discovery occurred when a student from an old Louisiana family brought to class a copy of the original 1853 book that had been in her family for over a century. Together Logsdon and Eakin validated Solomon Northup’s tale by retracing his journey through Bayou Boeuf plantation country in central Louisiana where his bondage took place, through the slave sales records of New Orleans and Washington, D.C., and further documented his New York State origins, his father’s freeman’s decree, and the legal work which restored Northup’s freedom and prosecuted his abductors. In 1968, Eakin and Logsdon’s heavily footnoted edition of the original book was published by Louisiana State University Press, shedding new light on Northup’s story and establishing its historic significance. That book has been widely used by scholars and in classrooms for over fifty years and is still in print. In 1998 Logsdon received a call from scholars in upstate New York inviting him to participate in a search for Solomon’s grave, however bad weather prevented the search and Logsdon died the following June (1999). In 2007, Dr. Eakin completed development of an updated and expanded version that includes over 150 pages of new background material, maps, and photographs shortly before her death at age 90. In 2013, e-book and audiobook versions of her final definitive edition were released in her honor. With permission, scholars may use Eakin’s lifetime archives through The Sue Eakin Collection, LSU at Alexandria, La. The Joseph Logsdon Archives are available at the University of New Orleans. Historian Jesse Holland noted in a 2009 interview that he had relied on Northup’s memoir and detailed description of Washington in 1841 to identify the location of some slave markets. Holland has also researched the roles of ethnic African slaves as skilled laborers who helped build some of the important public buildings in Washington, including the Capitol and part of the original Executive Mansion.[5]